Axel Honneth will study the long-run social consequences of the ongoing dissolution of the integrative force of contract-based work. His project will be partly. In Freedom’s Right: The Social Foundations of Democratic Life (), Axel Honneth, Professor of Philosophy at the University of Frankfurt and at Columbia. Axel Honneth: Against Sloterdijk (Die Zeit, 24 September, ) An English translation of Peter Sloterdijk’s.
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Axel Honneth – Wikipedia
From the point of view of Australia’s degraded media landscape, it must surely seem remarkable that they appeared in a broadsheet newspaper at all; however Honneth himself might recoil from the “childishness, superficiality and useless blather” that thrive as part of the democratic culture of today, reducing the idea of democracy to a nonsense, it nonetheless says something about the possibility of expression and argument in current-day Europe that his own antinomian views became available in a mainstream print medium Die Zeit, September 24, But in practice, in modern society, he contends, there is only one.
First, every society is governed by a set of moral principles that holds it together. It was that equating an intra-national moral code structured around the values of national honour and solidarity with the moral universalism of internationalism is to overlook the very different intentions behind their respective calls for equality. InHonneth co-authored Recognition or Redistribution?
Honneth’s views appear here in translation, not because they are sanctioned by The Great Stage, but because they are expressed with a flair that our local journalism, our local “public philosophy” radically excludes.
This story rested upon two claims. You only have to cast a glance over the thesis before you want to insist on some conceptual distinctions – surely theres a big difference whether thymos takes into account the consent of the Other or wants to place itself above and beyond that very Other in other words, whether we strive for truly inter-subjective recognition or one-sided domination.
His first main work The Critique of Power: Making his way into the midst of a milieu in search of radical promises, the author seemed to have forgotten everything that he himself had once written and thought for example in a sparkling early essay about Foucault. So much was clear here we had a man who, in times marked by a widening gulf between rich and poor, was giving very earnest thought to how things stood on the side of the gulf that the miserabilist Left had neglected.
No doubt the scope of the three-volume Spheres was too great to warrant page by page inspection; a quick glance at Sloterdijks melancholy theme was enough: Where Sloterdijks intellectual calculations fell flat because he had done violence to morally well-founded principles, he was quick to shoot off further argumentative smoke grenades; their effect was that the atrocity ended up shrouded in further darkness, taking on the grandiose status of previously unthinkable thoughts. To that extent the history of civilisation, as this bald repetition of Nietzsche has it, consists in nothing more than an ever-constant confrontation between life-affirming and life-denying groups, between associations of human beings who enjoy life proudly and those who try to spoil the latters vitality.
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In this milieu, which included the editorial desks of broadsheet newspapers, the cafeterias of banks, architecture offices and advertising agencies, there was agreement on one thing alone that the welfare mentality of the social democratic age should be brought to a decisive end.
With Tim Madigan he co-edited Bertrand Russell: What were supposed to understand here by demands for equality by and large remains vague what Sloterdijk has in mind however are both the nationalist and internationalist movements in modern history, the former having sued for social equality exclusively for their respective national populations, the latter attempting to lay claim to it for all the citizens of the globe.
To do it he draws on an idea or two he had already made use of in Spleen and Time to tease out the implications of his teachings about the energy of pride and self-respect that ground reificwcin civilisation and give us a picture of a different sort of capitalist economy; referring darkly to Georges Bataille, the talk there was of the rich shaking off the self-contempt they had been culturally burdened with once they distributed their fortunes down below among the needy in a series of benevolent beaux gestes as part of an economy of pride.
But if history does not present us with the spectacle of reason continually progressing its self-realisation, why then believe that our current society must involve some form of instantiation of rational principles?
In their light, the members of the successful strata appear as the real failures. You might recall that it was a Social Democrat, not a Liberal local council that recently sought to adorn itself with the azel of a lecture by this very author.
Social freedom goes beyond this: Sloterdijks glance into rsificacin depths had indeed brought to light the most various objects of interest. Specifically, the world is coming more and more to be governed according to the demands of reason. I would also expect him to show that other ideals cannot plausibly be shown to play even a part in this role — that freedom really does stand alone in this department.
They enthusiastically read every article demonising the politics ofthey noted with deep satisfaction that the leading disciplines of the declining post 68 era, sociology and psychoanalysis, were finally getting their comeuppance.
Axel Honneth Against Sloterdijk
Surely there are serious, and widespread, differences of opinion — often regarding matters of life and death — within any moderately diverse society.
In the struggle against social discrimination and economic disadvantage, the relevant social actors are only trying to put into practice what the moral principles of all modern states governed by the rule of law promise them.
Admittedly their contempt was directed less towards the needy classes themselves and much more towards the latters intellectual representatives, who, in the old West German republic, hoonneth been presumptuous enough to put themselves forward hoonneth political spokesmen for a general redistribution.
To judge by the grand standards of the philosophy of history, there can only be one solution to the problem: